Other
blog posts argue that the Smith proposals fall far
short of ‘devo max’ or ‘federalism’ and will disappoint people looking for
the extensive devolution
of welfare powers. So, I will focus on its statement on accountability:
“A more accountable and responsible Parliament. Complementing the expansion of
its powers will be a corresponding increase in the Parliament’s accountability
and responsibility for the effects of its decisions and their resulting
benefits or costs”.
This
is very misleading for the following step-by-step reasons:
1. The Scottish Parliament will
ostensibly become responsible for more powers, but Scotland inherited a
Westminster-style system of democratic accountability. The Scottish Parliament
delegates almost all policymaking responsibility to ministers, who are
accountable to the public via Parliament. So, in practice, Scottish ministers
are receiving greater responsibilities.
2. The Scottish Government balances
the Westminster idea of democratic accountability with others, such as
institutional accountability (e.g. the chief executives of agencies take
responsibility for delivery) and shared ownership (e.g. through community
planning partnerships).
3. The Scottish Parliament
struggles to hold ministers to account at the best of times. When the Scottish
Government devolves powers to the wider public sector, the Scottish Parliament
struggles a bit more. The devolution experience is one of limited parliamentary
influence.
4. The Scottish Parliament will not
grow in tandem with growing devolution. Instead, the same number of people will
oversee a growing set of Scottish Government responsibilities.
5. So, all other things being
equal, greater ministerial responsibility will DECREASE
democratic accountability.
In
fact, the Smith Commission recognises this point and recommends a response:
“The
addition of new responsibilities over taxes, welfare and borrowing means that
the Parliament’s oversight of Government will need to be strengthened. I
recommend that the Scottish Parliament’s Presiding Officer continues to build
on her work on parliamentary reform by undertaking an inclusive review which
will produce recommendations to run alongside the timetable for the transfer of
powers”.
This need to
pass the buck is understandable, given the limits to Smith’s remit (the
Commission also makes good noises about the need for public engagement, to help
people understand what the Scottish Parliament does). What is less
understandable is why the commission presents these measures as good for
accountability. What it means is that the ‘Scottish Parliament’ will become
more responsible for raising some of the money it spends – but, as long as it
can only control one small part of a mix of taxes, that argument is misleading
too. Overall, we have a vague and misleading statement, using the language of
greater accountability, but it’s not greater democratic accountability. It’s
the other kind of accountability. The kind where democratic accountability is
further reduced.
The Smith Commission on accountability: I don’t think it means what they think it means
Paul Cairney, Politics & Public Policy, November 27, 2014
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